⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ John Lewis Gaddis The Cold War

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John Lewis Gaddis The Cold War

After entering the White House inFranklin D. Week by week a radioactive cloud is sweeping southwards, bringing with it inevitable death. The leftist American tradition john lewis gaddis the cold war in tatters, destroyed by john lewis gaddis the cold war hysteria. Copsey; A. In John lewis gaddis the cold warChurchill traveled john lewis gaddis the cold war What Is The Difference Between A Happy Life And A Meaningful Life and proposed the " percentages agreement " to divide the Balkans into respective spheres of influenceincluding john lewis gaddis the cold war Stalin john lewis gaddis the cold war over Romania john lewis gaddis the cold war The Butterfly Monologue and Churchill carte blanche over Greece. Also, serious Case Study: Gate Repair Palos Verdes will still be amazed at Gaddis' analysis of key points in the conflict, and his take on the Cold War Inguinal Hernia Research Paper whole.

John Lewis Gaddis: America \u0026 the Cold War

The Germans had pillaged their way across Eastern Europe, and the Soviets had pillaged their way back. Millions of lives were lost. Stalin considered the newly conquered territory part of a Soviet sphere of influence. At the same time, deliberation began over reparations, tribunals, and the nature of an occupation regime that would initially be divided into American, British, French, and Soviet zones. Suspicion and mistrust were already mounting.

He committed the United States to a hard-line, anti-Soviet approach. Toward the end of the meeting, the American delegation received word that Manhattan Project scientists had successfully tested an atomic bomb. The Cold War had long roots. The World War II alliance of convenience was not enough to erase decades of mutual suspicions. Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin urged an immediate worldwide peace that would pave the way for world socialism just as Woodrow Wilson brought the United States into the war with promises of global democracy and free trade.

The two powers were brought together only by their common enemy, and without that common enemy, there was little hope for cooperation. On the eve of American involvement in World War II, on August 14, , Roosevelt and Churchill had issued a joint declaration of goals for postwar peace, known as the Atlantic Charter. The Atlantic Charter also set in motion the planning for a reorganized global economy. The Soviets rejected it all. Many officials on both sides knew that the Soviet-American relationship would dissolve into renewed hostility at the end of the war, and events proved them right.

In alone, the Soviet Union refused to cede parts of occupied Iran, a Soviet defector betrayed a Soviet spy who had worked on the Manhattan Project, and the United States refused Soviet calls to dismantle its nuclear arsenal. In the harsh winter of —, famine loomed in much of continental Europe. Blizzards and freezing cold halted coal production. Factories closed. Unemployment spiked. Amid these conditions, the communist parties of France and Italy gained nearly a third of the seats in their respective parliaments. To avoid the postwar chaos that had followed in the wake World War I, the Marshall Plan was designed to rebuild Western Europe, open markets, and win European support for capitalist democracies.

Stalin was jealous of Eastern Europe. The situation in Germany meanwhile deteriorated. Berlin had been divided into communist and capitalist zones. In June , when U. The United States organized and coordinated a massive airlift that flew essential supplies into the beleaguered city for eleven months, until the Soviets lifted the blockade on May 12, Germany was officially broken in half.

Berlin, which lay squarely within the GDR, was divided into two sections and, from August until November , famously separated by physical walls. Here a U. Navy Douglas R4D and U. Air Force C aircraft unload at Tempelhof Airport in or Foreign Policy , published in Lippmann envisioned a prolonged stalemate between the United States and the USSR, a war of words and ideas in which direct shots would not necessarily be fired between the two. Despite persistent tensions between the two, this Chinese stamp depicts Joseph Stalin shaking hands with Mao Zedong. On June 25, , as U. After Japan surrendered in September , a U. In November , the UN passed a resolution that a united government in Korea should be created, but the Soviet Union refused to cooperate.

Only the south held elections. Both claimed to stand for a unified Korean peninsula. While he did not desire a military confrontation with the United States, Stalin thought correctly that he could encourage his Chinese comrades to support North Korea if the war turned against the DPRK. The North Koreans launched a successful surprise attack and Seoul, the capital of South Korea, fell to the communists on June The UN passed resolutions demanding that North Korea cease hostilities and withdraw its armed forces to the thirty-eighth parallel and calling on member states to provide the ROK military assistance to repulse the northern attack.

Troops landed at Inchon, a port city about thirty miles from Seoul, and took the city on September They moved on North Korea. They were met by three hundred thousand Chinese troops who broke the advance and rolled up the offensive. They returned across the thirty-eighth parallel and abandoned Seoul on January 4, The United Nations forces regrouped, but the war entered into a stalemate. General MacArthur, growing impatient and wanting to eliminate the communist threats, requested authorization to use nuclear weapons against North Korea and China.

Denied, MacArthur publicly denounced Truman. Peace talks continued for two years. Though overshadowed in the annals of American history, the Korean War caused over 30, American deaths and , wounded, leaving an indelible mark on those who served. More than 30, Americans had died in the war. Millions of Korean soldiers and civilians lost their lives. The Vietnam War had deep roots in the Cold War world. Ho Chi Minh turned to the Soviet Union for assistance in waging war against the French colonizers in a protracted war. To stifle communist expansion southward, the United States would send arms, offer military advisors, prop up corrupt politicians, stop elections, and, eventually, send over five hundred thousand troops, of whom nearly sixty thousand would be lost before the communists finally reunified the country.

The world was never the same after the United States leveled Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August with atomic bombs. Not only had perhaps , civilians been killed, the nature of warfare was forever changed. Soviet scientists successfully tested an atomic bomb on August 29, , years before American officials had estimated they would. This unexpectedly quick Russian success not only caught the United States off guard but alarmed the Western world and propelled a nuclear arms race between the United States and the USSR.

The United States detonated the first thermonuclear weapon, or hydrogen bomb using fusion explosions of theoretically limitless power on November 1, The blast measured over ten megatons and generated an inferno five miles wide with a mushroom cloud twenty-five miles high and a hundred miles across. The irradiated debris—fallout—from the blast circled the earth, occasioning international alarm about the effects of nuclear testing on human health and the environment. It only hastened the arms race, with each side developing increasingly advanced warheads and delivery systems. Both sides, then, would theoretically be deterred from starting a war, through the logic of mutually assured destruction MAD.

Detonated on March 1, , it was the most powerful nuclear device ever tested by the U. But the effects were more gruesome than expected, causing nuclear fall-out and radiation poisoning in nearby Pacific islands. Fears of nuclear war produced a veritable atomic culture. Strangelove or: How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb plumbed the depths of American anxieties with plots featuring radioactive monsters, nuclear accidents, and doomsday scenarios.

Antinuclear protests in the United States and abroad warned against the perils of nuclear testing and highlighted the likelihood that a thermonuclear war would unleash a global environmental catastrophe. A devastating rocket that had terrorized England, the V-2 was capable of delivering its explosive payload up to a distance of nearly six hundred miles, and both nations sought to capture the scientists, designs, and manufacturing equipment to make it work. After the end of the war, American and Soviet rocket engineering teams worked to adapt German technology in order to create an intercontinental ballistic missile ICBM.

The Soviets achieved success first. It was a decisive Soviet propaganda victory. In response, the U. Initial American attempts to launch a satellite into orbit using the Vanguard rocket suffered spectacular failures, heightening fears of Soviet domination in space. Despite countless failures and one massive accident that killed nearly one hundred Soviet military and rocket engineers, Russian cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin was launched into orbit on April 12, American astronaut Alan Shepard accomplished a suborbital flight in the Freedom 7 capsule on May 5. The ever-escalating arms race continued to foster panic. Although it took a backseat to space travel and nuclear weapons, the advent of modern computing was yet another major Cold War scientific innovation, the effects of which were only just beginning to be understood.

As a secretive military research and development operation, ARPA was tasked with funding and otherwise overseeing the production of sensitive new technologies. Joseph McCarthy, Republican Senator from Wisconsin, fueled fears during the early s that communism was rampant and growing. This intensified Cold War tensions felt by every segment of society, from government officials to ordinary American citizens. Photograph of Senator Joseph R. McCarthy, March 14, McCarthyism was a symptom of a massive and widespread anticommunist hysteria that engulfed Cold War America.

Popular fears, for instance, had long since shot through the federal government. Between and , congressional committees conducted over one hundred investigations into subversive activities. Antisubversion committees emerged in over a dozen state legislatures, and review procedures proliferated in public schools and universities across the country. At the University of California, for example, thirty-one professors were dismissed in for refusing to sign a loyalty oath. Anticommunist policies reflected national fears of a surging global communism. Within a ten-month span beginning in , for instance, the USSR developed a nuclear bomb, China fell to communism, and over three hundred thousand American soldiers were deployed to fight a land war in Korea.

Newspapers, meanwhile, were filled with headlines alleging Soviet espionage. During the war, Julius Rosenberg worked briefly at the U. He and his wife, Ethel, who had both been members of the Communist Party of the USA CPUSA in the s, were accused of passing secret bomb-related documents to Soviet officials and were indicted in August on charges of giving nuclear secrets to the Russians. After a trial in March , they were found guilty and executed on June 19, The environment of fear and panic instigated by McCarthyism led to the arrest of many innocent people.

Still, some Americans accused of supplying top-secret information to the Soviets were, in fact, spies. Julius and Ethel Rosenbergs were convicted of espionage and executed in for delivering information about the atomic bomb to the Soviets. Library of Congress. Alger Hiss, the highest-ranking government official linked to Soviet espionage, was another prize for conservatives. Hiss was a prominent official in the U. Hiss, who always maintained his innocence, stood trial twice. After a hung jury in July , he was convicted on two counts of perjury the statute of limitations for espionage having expired. Later evidence suggested their guilt. At the time, their convictions fueled an anticommunist frenzy.

Some began seeing communists everywhere. Alger Hiss and the Rosenbergs offered anticommunists such as Joseph McCarthy the evidence they needed to allege a vast Soviet conspiracy to infiltrate and subvert the U. Forced to respond, President Truman arranged a partisan congressional investigation designed to discredit McCarthy. There had, of course, been a communist presence in the United States. During its first two years of existence, the CPUSA functioned in secret, hidden from a surge of antiradical and anti-immigrant hysteria, investigations, deportations, and raids at the end of World War I. The CPUSA began its public life in , after the panic subsided, but communism remained on the margins of American life until the s, when leftists and liberals began to see the Soviet Union as a symbol of hope amid the Great Depression.

Then many communists joined the Popular Front, an effort to make communism mainstream by adapting it to American history and American culture. During the Popular Front era, communists were integrated into mainstream political institutions through alliances with progressives in the Democratic Party. But even at the height of the global economic crisis, communism never attracted many Americans. From the mids through the mids, the party exercised most of its power indirectly, through coalitions with liberals and reformers.

A bloc of left-liberal anticommunists, meanwhile, purged remaining communists in their ranks, and the Popular Front collapsed. Following a series of predecessor committees, HUAC was established in , then reorganized after the war and given the explicit task of investigating communism. It waged only one war, but it was arguably the most terrible one in all of history. With its cities, towns, and countryside ravaged, its industries ruined or hurriedly relocated beyond the Urals, the only option apart from surrender was desperate resistance, on terrain and in circumstances chosen by its enemy. Estimates of casualties, civilian and military, are notoriously inexact, but it is likely that some 27 million Soviet citizens died as a direct result of the war—roughly 90 times the number of Americans who died.

Victory could hardly have been purchased at greater cost: the U. When it came to shaping the postwar settlement, however, the victors were more evenly matched than these asymmetries might suggest. The United States had made no commitment to reverse its long-standing tradition of remaining aloof from European affairs—Roosevelt had even assured Stalin, at Teheran, that American troops would return home within two years after the end of the war.

Meanwhile, the Soviet Union had significant assets, despite the immense losses it had suffered. Because it was part of Europe, its military forces would not be withdrawing from Europe. Its command economy had shown itself capable of sustaining full employment when the capitalist democracies had failed, during the prewar years, to do so. Its ideology enjoyed widespread respect in Europe because communists there had largely led the resistance against the Germans. Finally, the disproportionate burden the Red Army had borne in defeating Hitler gave the U. It was at least as easy to believe, in , that authoritarian communism was the wave of the future as that democratic capitalism was. The Soviet Union had one other advantage as well, which was that it alone among the victors emerged from the war with tested leadership.

Truman, into the White House. The Soviet Union, in contrast, had Stalin, its unchallenged ruler since , the man who remade his country and then led it to victory in World War II. Crafty, formidable, and to all appearances calmly purposeful, the Kremlin dictator knew what he wanted in the postwar era. Truman, Attlee, and the nations they led seemed much less certain. It makes sense to start with him, because only he of the three postwar leaders had had the time, while retaining the authority, to consider and rank his priorities. Sixty-five at the end of the war, the man who ran the Soviet Union was physically exhausted, surrounded by sycophants, personally lonely—but still firmly, even terrifyingly, in control.

The raising of an eyebrow or the flick of a finger, subordinates knew, could mean the difference between life and death. Strikingly short—only five feet four inches—this paunchy little old man was nonetheless a colossus, bestriding a colossal state. He sought to make sure that no internal challenges could ever again endanger his personal rule, and that no external threats would ever again place his country at risk. The interests of communists elsewhere in the world, admirable though those might be, would never outweigh the priorities of the Soviet state as he had determined them.

Narcissism, paranoia, and absolute power came together in Stalin:5 he was, within the Soviet Union and the international communist movement, enormously feared—but also widely worshipped. Wartime expenditures in blood and treasure, Stalin believed, should largely determine who got what after the war: the Soviet Union, therefore, would get a lot. It would seek territorial concessions at the expense of Iran and Turkey including control of the Turkish Straits , as well as naval bases in the Mediterranean.

Finally, it would punish a defeated and devastated Germany through military occupation, property expropriations, reparations payments, and ideological transformation. Herein there lay, however, a painful dilemma for Stalin. Disproportionate losses during the war may well have entitled the Soviet Union to disproportionate postwar gains, but they had also robbed that country of the power required to secure those benefits unilaterally. The U. There was no choice for the moment, then, but to continue to seek the cooperation of the Americans and the British: just as they had depended on Stalin to defeat Hitler, so Stalin now depended on continued Anglo-American goodwill if he was to obtain his postwar objectives at a reasonable cost.

He therefore wanted neither a hot war nor a cold war. It was here that Marxist-Leninist ideology influenced Stalin, because his illusions arose from it. The most important one was the belief, which went back to Lenin, that capitalists would never be able to cooperate with one another for very long. This idea of a crisis within capitalism did have some plausibility.

The Great Depression left the remaining capitalist states scrambling to save themselves rather than cooperating to rescue the global economy or to maintain the postwar settlement: Nazi Germany arose as a result. Capitalists would then need the Soviet Union, rather than the other way around. That is why he fully expected the United States to lend the Soviet Union several billion dollars for re-construction: because the Americans would otherwise be unable to find markets for their products during the coming global crash.

It would not be necessary to confront the Americans and British directly in order to achieve his objectives. He could simply wait for the capitalists to begin quarreling with one another, and for the disgusted Europeans to embrace communism as an alternative. Nor would he write off diplomacy in securing his objective, not least because he expected—for a time at least—American cooperation in achieving it. Had not Roosevelt indicated that the United States would refrain from seeking its own sphere of influence in Europe? It was also a flawed vision, for it failed to take into account the evolving postwar objectives of the United States.

Unquestionably also security, but in contrast to Stalin, they were much less certain of what they would have to do to obtain it. The reason had to do with the dilemma World War II had posed for them: that the United States could not continue to serve as a model for the rest of the world while remaining apart from the rest of the world. Throughout most of their history Americans had tried to do just this. They had not had to worry much about security because oceans separated them from all other states that might conceivably do them harm. The prospect that other Europeans might do so was even more remote, because successive governments in London came to agree with the Americans that there should be no further colonization in the western hemisphere. The United States enjoyed the luxury, therefore, of maintaining a vast sphere of influence without the risk that by doing so it would challenge the interests of any other great power.

The Americans did seek global influence in the realm of ideas: their Declaration of Independence had, after all, advanced the radical claim that all men are created equal. But they made no effort, during their first fourteen decades of independence, to make good on that assertion. The United States would serve as an example; the rest of the world would have to decide how and under what circumstances to embrace it.

Its foreign and military policy was much less ambitious than one might have expected from a nation of such size and strength. Worried that Imperial Germany might defeat Great Britain and France, Woodrow Wilson persuaded his countrymen that American military might was needed to restore the European balance of power—but even he justified this geopolitical objective in ideological terms. The idea that might alone makes right would, he hoped, disappear. Both the vision and the restored balance, however, proved premature. Victory in World War I did not make the United States a global power; instead it confirmed, for most Americans, the dangers of overcommitment.

Conditions abroad encouraged a return to isolationism: the perceived inequities of the Versailles peace treaty, the onset of a global depression, and then the rise of aggressor states in Europe and East Asia all had the effect of convincing Americans that they would be better off avoiding international involvements altogether. It was a rare withdrawal of a powerful state from responsibilities beyond its borders.

After entering the White House in , Franklin D. Roosevelt worked persistently—if often circuitously—to bring the United States into a more active role in world politics. It would take the shattering events of —41—the fall of France, the battle of Britain, and ultimately the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor—to bring about an American recommitment to the task of restoring a balance of power beyond the western hemisphere. Roosevelt had four great wartime priorities.

The first was to sustain allies—chiefly Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and less successfully Nationalist China—because there was no other way to achieve victory: the United States could not fight Germany and Japan alone. The second was to secure allied cooperation in shaping the postwar settlement, for without it there would be little prospect for lasting peace. The third had to do with the nature of that settlement.

Roosevelt expected his allies to endorse one that would remove the most probable causes of future wars. That meant a new collective security organization with the power to deter and if necessary punish aggression, as well as a revived global economic system equipped to prevent a new global depression. There would be no reversion to isolationism, then, after World War II. But the United States would not be prepared either—any more than the Soviet Union would be—to accept a postwar world that resembled its prewar predecessor. Finally, a word about British objectives. They were, as Churchill defined them, much simpler: to survive at all costs, even if this meant relinquishing leadership of the Anglo-American coalition to Washington, even if it meant weakening the British empire, even if it also meant collaborating with the Soviet Union, a regime the younger Churchill had hoped, in the aftermath of the Bolshevik Revolution, to crush.

Enhance your purchase. The most accessible distillation of that conflict yet written. Drawing on newly opened archives and the reminiscences of the major players, John Lewis Gaddis explains not just what happened but why —from the months in when the U. Brilliant, accessible, almost Shakespearean in its drama, The Cold War stands as a triumphant summation of the era that, more than any other, shaped our own. Gaddis is also the author of On Grand Strategy. Read more Read less. Previous page. Print length. Publication date. December 26, See all details.

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Doug McAdam. Antonio J. Odd Westad. What other items do customers buy after viewing this item? Stephen Kinzer. George Orwell. Mass Market Paperback. Mariano Azuela. Where Have All the Soldiers Gone? James J. Review "Outstanding. John Lewis Gaddis is the Robert A. Lovett Professor of History of Yale University. All rights reserved. Now, though, he envisaged a different future: Just suppose with me for a moment that an Ivan and an Anya could find themselves, say, in a waiting room, or sharing a shelter from the rain or a storm with a Jim and Sally, and that there was no language barrier to keep them from getting acquainted.

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A glaring example is the Cuban Missile Crisis. It feels like the product of Gaddis cannibalizing his own prior and excellent historical work to produce a mediocre cliff notes version of the Cold War. The result is just that: mediocre. It completely overturned South America by making it a battlefield of ideologies as has happened most notoriously in Nicaragua, Chile, and Cuba. The struggle over the dominance of the latter one almost led to another world war, this time with nuclear and hydrogen bombs.

This conflict has given Africa facelift. At the beginning of the XX century, the continent was dominated by France, UK, Portugal, Italy, Belgium, and Germany while at the second half of it, new, independent states sprang up from the ruins of those colonial empires. These states faced incredible challenges and many of them descended into anarchy, others managed to play off the superpowers against each other and attempt to establish modern, prosperous states. Asia, for the first time since the medieval times, became once more the centerpiece of global history: China turned communist, India, Indochina, Gulf- states, all of them achieved liberty and the hegemony of the West and Japan was broken.

During the Cold War the world became increasingly tri-polar: Beijing, Washington and Moscow called all the shots. Nevertheless, it was still a battlefield, a place for proxy wars and impressive yet terrifying attempts to mold people themselves, like the Cultural Revolution in China or the Islamic Revolution in Iran. John Lewis Gaddis is a well known and a renowned Cold War historian yet this work is sometimes a bit lacking and at times hard to follow. If you are looking for an in-depth study of the conflict that lasted for five decades and encompassed the globe this is not it.

This is simply an overview of the most important events and personalities that shaped the course of the War, which sometimes got hot as in Korea, Vietnam and Afghanistan. The main issue I take with this book is not that it is too long or too short or that it brushes over certain historical occurrences in just a couple of paragraphs but its choice of how to approach the topic. However, some issues, like the Vietnam War or Cuban Missile Crisis are oddly absent and the roots of those conflicts are left for the reader to research. Nevertheless, the main drawback is how different themes of the conflict are approached.

Even though they generally follow a chronological and a geographical pattern, it is still difficult to discern what is happening and get the whole picture. The Cold War was a global conflict and the fact, that very abstract themes like "Hope" are chosen makes the topics harder to grasp. However, when it comes to positives, this book has many. Firstly, a very interesting and in fact, funny, style of writing make the book much more enjoyable to read. Sometimes it reads like a good novel with metaphors and good biographies of the leaders.

Additionally, the author covers all the major themes even if sometimes there are things you would like to know more about. The chapter about the non-aligned countries is particularly interesting to read for the new and unheard material is brought up, which we largely do not associate with this conflict. Fors instance, how smaller countries like Nationalist China Taiwan , South Korea and even South Vietnam all had at one point or another threatened the US, that their governments might collapse if the US does not send aid.

Another interesting example is between China and France. Both of these states were thorns in the sides of their respective greater allies. France unnerved the US with its going alone stance and China continuously attacked the USSR and claimed it was not a truly socialist country. Finally, the number of details, citations, and variety of argument presented in most chapters allowed for a great visualization of this epic struggle between nations, states, ideallogies and ultimatelly, people. I purchased this book because it is required for a class I am taking at Harvard. All the other books that I bought for this class have page numbers in the kindle edition. This one doesn't. How am I supposed to know what to read, the professor only provides page numbers? Gaddis expertly traces the evolution of relations between the two powers, their allies, and neutral nations during the period in which nuclear annihilation was an ever present fact of life.

One of the final chapters, which Lewis dubbed 'Actors' deals with those personalities who, whether intentionally or not, contributed to the Soviet Union's demise. The virtue of this work, its brevity, is also its greatest weakness. Certain events are glossed over rather quickly leaving the reader not fully appreciating their effects upon the larger stage of the Cold War. Watergate, the Suez Crisis, the Bay of Pigs, and even the Cuban Missile Crisis to name a few, simply don't get the time and consideration that they require for a truly thorough history. Gaddis uses just under pages of text to tell an international history of over 45 years.

That said, if you are new to studying this era you will find a good overview here.

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